Patterns of Apologia 

Research conducted by Kevin A. Stein, Ph.D. and Matthew H. Barton, Ph.D.
Southern Utah University

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

Photo of Professor Stein and Professor Barton standing in front of a table with memes spread out for coding

The data provided here comes from a grant-funded project to conduct a content analysis of apologia occurring over the last several decades. The data is an open-access educational resource and is offered here for educational purposes only. Research on apologia, or image repair, is extensive and remains one of the most popular areas in the communication discipline when it comes to public address. Scholars often examine each case in isolation because individual offenses tend to be unique and the insights extracted from those contexts can be illuminating.


Study Snapshot

Total apologetic statements coded: 409
Total contexts represented: 351
Primary focus: Public apologia and image repair strategies across different contexts and time periods
Method: Content analysis of themes using William Benoit’s image repair framework


Texts Used in the Analysis

Our intention, at least in the beginning stages of the project, was to include every prominent defense ever offered. This became difficult as we discovered that many apologies are not archived online, purchasable videos are expensive, and certain public figures have an interest in their embarrassing moments disappearing from cyberspace. However, we believe our sample of texts is fairly comprehensive in light of these difficulties.

In the end, we collected 409 apologetic statements from 351 different contexts. Transcripts of the texts were accessed from websites, newspapers, magazines, and library databases. Fifty-nine apologia statements were only available in video form and had to be transcribed prior to coding. The reason for the disparity between number of contexts and total texts coded is that some contexts contained multiple instances of apologia for a single offense.

Coding Framework and Procedures

The coding framework included a variety of variables that we believed might have an impact on the content, structure, and overall effectiveness of the apologia. These included:

1. Decade of apology: Whether it was issued pre-1950, in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, or post-2000.

2. Context of apology: Whether the context was political, organizational, celebrity, athlete, international, religious, media, or other.

3. Gender of apologist: Whether the apologist was male or female.

4. Medium for delivery: Whether the apology was issued via press release, television interview, press conference, social media, or website.

5. Self-apology or surrogate: Whether the statement was delivered by the person accused or by another representative. Although many statements are likely written by people behind the scenes, the rhetor takes ownership of those words once he or she delivers them. Only when someone else quite literally spoke for the accused did we code it as a surrogate apology.

6. Type of offense: Whether the person was accused of sex/infidelity, violence, racism/bigotry, deception/fraud, drugs, inappropriate comments, or another type of offense.

7. Apologia strategy: Which strategy within Benoit’s image repair framework the accused utilized. These categories included denial, shifting blame, provocation, defeasibility, accident, good intentions, bolstering, minimization, differentiation, transcendence, attacking the accuser, compensation, corrective action, and mortification. We also added an additional category called the non-apology, where the accused specifically articulates an intention not to offer a defense.

During the analysis, we coded by theme, rather than by word, sentence, or paragraph. The reason for this is that a great deal can occur rhetorically in one sentence or, conversely, nothing of consequence can occur in an entire paragraph. We were careful not to double code, or assign two different classifications to a single theme.

Once coding was completed, we checked for intercoder reliability using Cohen’s kappa on a randomly selected 10% of the total texts. The results were as follows: decade of apology (1.00), role of apologist (.92), gender of apologist (1.00), medium for delivery (.95), self-apology or surrogate (1.00), type of offense (.84), and apologia strategy (.82).


Results of the Study

Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart
Apologia study results chart

Conclusions

Obviously, we need to be cautious when drawing conclusions about the form and nature of apologia rhetoric as a whole because we are referring to general patterns that surfaced from this data. However, there are some key insights that we might extract from the study.

First, barring legal considerations and the not-always-relevant issue of whether the person actually committed the offense, mortification is probably the best strategy. Mortification is especially effective when utilized in conjunction with corrective action. If someone committed an offense, it makes sense that he or she should claim responsibility and then offer to repair the damage in the best way possible.

Second, media and technology are changing the nature of apologia in many ways. Public apologies now circulate through press conferences, press releases, speeches, web pages, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Google, and other platforms that create direct conduits between public figures and their audiences.

Third, public apology tends to be a heavily male-dominated activity. The data indicate that men apologize much more frequently than women do, but it cannot tell us why. One possible explanation is that people in positions of power tend to be more susceptible to public and media scrutiny.

Fourth, the data support some popular stereotypes while also complicating others. For example, the data seem to show that women are more likely to use mortification than men, while politicians were frequently associated with sex-related offenses and media figures with deception-related offenses.

Fifth, the data also run counter to some common assumptions. Men and women had equal amounts of bigotry, drug/alcohol use, and inappropriate comments in the sample. Religious leaders also appeared more frequently in sex/infidelity cases than in other types of offenses, perhaps because of the perceived hypocrisy associated with such violations.

One important implication of this data is that the variety of offenses may make it difficult for public relations practitioners to develop one-size-fits-all strategies for image repair. Some situations are so distinctive that they demand unique responses. When these situations arise, rhetors must consider the individual elements of the situation, the audience and its expectations, the available strategies, and the constraints surrounding the offense.

Future researchers might examine tonal components of apologia discourse or study message content in more private contexts, such as interpersonal relationships. Quantitative scholars might also attempt to measure the effectiveness of apologia, though it remains difficult to isolate the apology itself as the single variable shaping public response. Despite these limitations, this project helps illuminate the content of apologia messages over time and shows how variables such as offense type, context, and gender may shape how these messages are constructed and perceived.